Abrites AVDI for sale

The AVDI/FVDI consists of a hardware interface and PC-based software. It is useful for performing some basic diagnostic functions on the different electronic control units, such as identification, reading/clearing error memory, viewing live data, making some configurations (e.g. coding), etc. It can be used with almost all car and truck suppliers like VAG, BMW, Opel, Fiat, Mercedes, Toyota, Renault, Porsche, Nissan, Citroen, Mitsubishi, and DAF. New suppliers are added regularly to the list free of charge. The AVDI/FVDI is compatible with many 3rd party diagnostic software applications and contains a SAE J2534 driver (GM reprogramming).

 

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Edward Snowden and the NSA files – timeline

A year is barely enough time to study a country as strange and enormous as Russia. So Edward Snowden, the American whistle-blower who was granted a year of asylum in Russia on July 31, will have to make good use of it if, as his lawyer claims, he wants to “study Russian culture” and travel its nine time zones. So far, there is no clear information on where he would be living or how far he’d actually be allowed to travel. But in case he’s able to take in some sights, TIME compiled a list of seven things he should definitely put on his calendar.

Visit the Duma: Considering the fan club Snowden has developed inside Russia’s parliament – one lawmaker has pledged to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize – it would be rude not to swing by for a visit. In the gift shop on the first floor, he could pick up a token of gratitude, such as a selection of hollowed out books where a parliamentarian might hide his, um, candy, or a nice big rubber stamp. The Duma’s cafeteria, which one whimsical patron once dubbed “the colon of liberty,” also happens to offer the cheapest meal you can find in Moscow outside of a soup kitchen. The prices haven’t changed much since perestroika, so for about 100 rubles ($3.25) Snowden could enjoy a bowl of borsht, a beet-prune-and-mayonnaise salad and a patty of don’t-ask meat fried in sunflower oil. The cheap meal wouldn’t hurt if Snowden is really having money troubles: His pro bono Russian lawyer, Anatoly Kucherena, said on Thursday that the whistle-blower “really doesn’t have that much money, but so far he’s got enough money to eat.” At the Duma’s borsht bar, definitely.

Work at Russia’s version of Facebook: If Snowden gets sick of the Duma grub, he may need to start making ends meet in Russia’s insanely overpriced capital, where a cup of coffee can easily set you back $12. Luckily, the popular social networking site Vkontakte, or VK, offered him a job at its headquarters in St. Petersburg the same day he got his asylum papers. “I think Edward might find it interesting to try and protect the personal data of our millions of users,” the company’s co-founder, Pavel Durov, wrote on his VK page. No doubt the CIA-trained geek would be a useful addition to the team. The only drawback is that he won’t get to make friends with Durov any time soon. Russia’s answer to Mark Zuckerberg fled the country in April after cops raided his headquarters on the grounds that he allegedly hit a traffic policeman with his car. Durov, who denies the accusations, is now rumored to be hiding out in the U.S. and – you guessed it – considering a request for political asylum. The notion of him and Snowden potentially switching places sounds like the start of a bad Russian joke.

Hang out with Russia’s second most famous refugee: When it emerged on June 16 that Russian asylum would allow Snowden to travel freely about the country, Jon Lee Anderson, a staff writer for the New Yorker, was the first to tweet: “A roadshow with Depardieu?” Imagine the possibilities. The grizzled French movie star Gerard Depardieu received a Russian passport in February from the hands of President Vladimir Putin himself, leaving his own motherland because of high taxes. Depardieu’s official address is now One Democratic Street in the Russian city of Saransk, a mere 400 miles east of Moscow. That’s in the region of Mordovia, home to an impressive constellation of prison colonies. So when he’s done watching old movies with Depardieu, Snowden could also hop over to Mordovia’s Corrective Labor Camp No. 14 for a visit with one of the founders of the performance art collective Pussy Riot, Nadezhda Tolokonnikova. She’s about half way through a two-year sentence for hooliganism that she got for singing an anti-Putin song in a Moscow cathedral last year. But visiting her might ruffle Putin’s feathers, so Depardieu might just as well hang back in Saransk.

Marry Anna Chapman: The day before Independence Day, which Snowden marked last month in the transit zone of a Moscow airport, the redheaded poster girl of Russian espionage offered him her hand in marriage. “Snowden, will you marry me?!” Anna Chapman tweeted on July 3. Since 2010, when she was kicked out of the U.S. for working as a Russian spy (albeit a pretty clumsy one), Chapman, 31, has become something of a Moscow socialite. I saw her recently on the rooftop terrace of a bar, nursing an elaborate cocktail, and just this week my friend spotted her at a cafe in the company of two men with buzz cuts. So even if Snowden wants to stay loyal to his girlfriend in Hawaii, going out in Moscow presents a significant risk of a random encounter with Chapman. Resistance would then be futile.

Escape to the banya when the mercury falls: Having grown up in North Carolina and lived in Hawaii before he fled the U.S. in May, Snowden likely has no idea what awaits him with the onset of the Russian winter. He will need, for instance, to learn the concept of “ice rain” – an ugly work of nature that covers everything in sheets of ice and, at the slightest thaw, begins to slide off the rooftops like giant, flying razor blades. Somehow, after a millennium spent dealing with horrendous weather, the nation that launched the first man into space has yet to resolve some pretty basic winter issues, such as how to clear sidewalks of ice. One helpful refuge would be Sanduny, a traditional Moscow banya, or bathhouse, where Snowden should ask to be beaten with birch branches in a room roughly as hot as the air above a blacksmith’s forge. However temporary, this will be the only way to suck the winter from his bones. (Vodka would also help.)

Visit Kalmykia: According to the New York Times, Snowden listed his religion as Buddhism after working at a U.S. military base in Japan. He may therefore want to consider a pilgrimage to Kalmykia, a bastion of Buddhism in southern Russia and its unofficial capital of chess. The man who ruled it for 17 years until 2010, Kirsan Ilyumzhinov, claimed for nearly all his time in power that he had been kidnapped by aliens in 1995 and taken on an edifying tour of the galaxy. He still lives like a retired sovereign in Kalmykia, and considering the friendships he had with the enemies of the U.S. government – Saddam Hussein and Muammar Gaddafi among them – I’m sure he would gladly give Snowden a tour of his Chess Palace, inside Chess City, which he built on the outskirts of his capital, Elista.

Have a carafe of fire water at the Sword and the Shield: If Snowden gets nostalgic for the company of spooks, he can always swing by their old haunt in Moscow, the Sword and Shield, just up the block from the KGB headquarters on Lubyanka Square. Complete with a bronze statue of Iron Felix, the sociopathic founder of Stalin’s secret police, in the main dining hall, this place has a menu full of what one might call totalitarian kitsch, such as “Red Terror Chicken.” But the Chekist décor is so over-the-top that it mainly attracts tourists and retired spies looking for a taste of the past. A more authentic experience can be found at GlavPivTorg, the beer hall that lies caddy-corner from the KGB building. Back in 1939, the foreign ministers of Josef Stalin and Adolf Hitler signed the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact, the secret treaty that divided Eastern Europe between them, on what is now the second floor of GlavPivTorg. Today it is peopled most evenings by the men who trickle in after work from Lyubyanka Square. For the honor of having lunch with a former CIA employee like Snowden, they would probably even pick up the tab.

 

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China - We Don't Censor the Internet ;-)

kaufmanmoore writes：

"A Chinese government official at a United Nations summit in Athens on internet governance has claimed that no Net censorship exists at all in China. The article includes an exchange by a Chinese government official and a BBC reporter over the blocking of the BBC in China."

From the article:
"I don't think we should be using different standards to judge China. In China, we don't have software blocking Internet sites. Sometimes we have trouble accessing them. But that's a different problem. I know that some colleagues listen to the BBC in their offices from the Webcast. And I've heard people say that the BBC is not available in China or that it's blocked. I'm sure I don't know why people say this kind of thing. We do not have restrictions at all."

Two days ago Google Page was blocked. After I wrote an email to Google USA and criticized the ineffectiveness of Google China company, it is OK since yesterday.Google Page has very few Chinese Google fans to use, but the function of uploading of files may has risks.Of course Blogger is totalled blocked, only occasionally when Blogger change its IP or URL it was available. This will help Chinese blog providers to have less pressure to run their business.

Forbes 40 China

Mao Zedong dispersed China's industry in the 1950s so that his young Communist regime would be less vulnerable to attack. The loss of any one part of China would not then prove economically disastrous, he reasoned. He would be able to retreat to any part of the country, if necessary, and still have the means to supply his army.

This move left China with a lopsided economy, especially its state-owned sector, and has added a unique regional dimension to the restructuring that would anyway be occurring to state-run industries going through the sort of changes that China has been experiencing since Deng Xiaoping set off down the path of economic reform in the late 1970s.

Though it might cause Mao to turn in his grave, private enterprise now accounts for the majority of economic output in China. It is more efficient and faster-growing than the state sector. It is not constrained by being an anchor industrial employer in places where it often has no natural advantages.

Private companies in China remain small--agriculture, wholesale and retail distribution and construction are dominated by thousands of small family firms--and they face considerable barriers to growth; access to markets and capital still depends greatly on connections. They are, though, on the whole profitable.

The state sector, composed of about 150,000 state-owned enterprises, is a different story. These firms are often big and unprofitable. An study by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) based on data from 2003 found that they wrung half the productivity from twice the capital.

State enterprise assets represent about 85% of China's gross domestic product, about three times higher than in even the most state-dominated Western European economies, France and Italy, and well above the rate typical in economies making the transition from developing to developed.

Not all are hopeless basket cases. Productivity and profitability are improving surely, if slowly. The return on equity at state industrial firms rose from 3.4% in 1998 to 10.2% in 2003, according to the OECD study. That is short of the private sector's 14.4%, but still passable.

However, the best performance is concentrated in the largest 20% or so of state enterprises. They tend to be the ones that Beijing is using to drive development across the economy in the industries that are the boiler rooms of growth: energy ( PetroChina), banking ( Bank of China), utilities ( Huaneng Power), chemicals ( Sinopec), heavy industry ( Baoshan Iron & Steel), telecommunications ( China Telecom) and transport ( Air China).

Beijing's industrial policy for its state-owned enterprises is two-pronged: to develop national champions that can compete in world markets, and to ease the strain the basket cases impose on the national treasury.

Except at the top end (the companies that make our list of China's largest companies), even China's biggest companies are not so sizable by world standards. Only 14 make the list of the world's 500 largest companies by sales, of which eight are state-owned.

Hence, a policy emphasis on achieving economies of scale and scope. Since the late 1980s, informal links between large enterprises have been formalized through merger and consolidation. That has distilled 120 industrial groups identified as national A-list companies, with a further 2,300 similarly preferred companies at provincial and city levels.

The national champions have been given more decision-making and financial autonomy and priority in the allocation of state-controlled resources, including investment and capital.

They have been encouraged to create research centers (even China's biggest companies devote only 1% of sales to research and development, on average--compared to 5% in the West) and develop their foreign trade. They have also been earmarked for stock-market listings.

They were initially given protective tariff support, although that is being removed in line with China's World Trade Organization entry obligations.

Beijing is also trying to pull off a delicate balancing act: imposing the disciplines of the market on management while keeping policy control of its national and local champions firmly in trusted hands. This has led to the creation of a hybrid group structure, not dissimilar to the industrial groupings that underpinned Japan Inc.

Under this model, a holding company, run by politically appointed managers, controls a network of associated operating companies via controlling or minority shareholdings. One or more of the associated companies may be selected as the vehicle for a public listing on a stock exchange; others of the associated companies may be designated to absorb a large amount of the group's underperforming assets.

A side benefit of this structure is that it has created national industrial networks that circumvent the local protectionism and vested interests that are a legacy of Mao's industrial policy. That, in turn, has eased Beijing's way toward meeting its WTO market-opening obligations.

Since 2003, supervision of the very largest state-owned companies in China has fallen to the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission (SASAC), a high-level commission whose writ runs to about 180 companies. It has set an internal target of having 50 Chinese companies, including state-owned ones, among the largest 500 companies by sales in the world by 2015.

To this end, it recently linked the salaries and bonuses of the presidents of 30 of the biggest state-owned enterprises, including China National Offshore Oil, to the profitability of their companies.

More M&A can be expected in the state sector as China seeks to create more big companies that can compete internationally. Yet perversely, Beijing will try to do this while tightening its hold on the sector rather than loosening it.